Bush, Blair Welcome U.N. Special Envoy
Proposals on Iraq
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
April 16, 2004
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT AND UNITED KINGDOM PRIME MINISTER
TONY BLAIR IN PRESS AVAILABILITY
11:57 a.m. EDT
PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you, all. Mr. Prime Minister -- Tony, as I
like to call you -- Cherie Blair, thanks for coming, it's great to see you.
Laura and I are pleased to welcome you once again to America and to the White
Throughout the last century, the United Kingdom and the United States have stood
together when liberty was assaulted and free people were tested. And now in this
century our nations see clearly the dangers of our time, and we share a
determination to meet them.
Since our two countries shared the loss of September the 11th, 2001, we've
joined in a global manhunt for terrorist killers. We've removed the terrorist
camps of Afghanistan and the brutal government that sheltered them. We've
enforced the demands of the United Nations in Iraq and removed a dangerous
threat to the region and to the world.
We've worked together to end the WMD programs of Libya, and bring that country
back into the community of nations. We're engaged in difficult and necessary
work of helping Iraqis build their own democracy, for the sake of our security
and to increase the momentum of freedom across the greater Middle East.
The stakes in Iraq are clear: Iraq will either turn back the challenges to
democracy, or return to the camp of tyranny and terror; Iraq will either be an
example of a region that is weary of poverty and oppression, or will be a threat
to the region and to our own people.
Our nations face a stark choice, as well. Britain and America and our allies can
either break our word to the people of Iraq, abandon them in their hour of need
and consign them to oppression -- or we can help them defeat the enemies of a
free Iraq and build the institutions of liberty. The Prime Minister and I have
made our choice: Iraq will be free; Iraq will be independent; Iraq will be a
peaceful nation; and we will not waver in the face of fear and intimidation.
The past few weeks have been hard, and the days ahead will surely bring their
own challenges. What we're seeing in Iraq is an attempted power grab by
extremists and terrorists. They will fail. The extremists will fail because our
coalition will not allow Iraq's future to be stolen by a violent few. They will
also fail because they are not widely supported by the Iraqi people, who have no
desire to trade one tyrant for another.
Many Iraqi leaders are showing great personal courage in helping to build a free
Iraq. And we stand with them and we appreciate their courage. And troops from
our countries and other coalition friends are showing great personal courage as
they help Iraq move toward democracy. And we appreciate their sacrifice and
courage, as well.
One of the essential commitments we've made to the Iraqi people is this: They
will control their own country. No citizen of America or Britain would want the
government of their nation in hands of others, and neither do the Iraqis. And
this is why the June 30th date for the transfer of sovereignty will be kept.
This transfer will demonstrate to the Iraqi people that our coalition has no
interest in occupation. On that date, the Coalition Provisional Authority will
cease to exist. But coalition forces will remain in Iraq to help the new
This week we've seen the outlines of a new Iraqi government that will take the
keys of sovereignty. We welcome the proposals presented by the U.N. Special
Envoy Brahimi. He's identified a way forward to establishing an interim
government that is broadly acceptable to the Iraqi people. Our coalition
partners will continue to work with the U.N. to prepare for nationwide elections
that will choose a new government in January of 2005.
We thank the U.N. and Secretary General Annan for helping Iraqis secure a future
of freedom. We're grateful that Mr. Brahimi will soon return to Iraq to continue
his important work. A free Iraq will stand as an example to the Middle East,
encouraging reform and hope by demonstrating what life in a free society can be
like. At the same time, we must also work to end longstanding sources of
bitterness and conflict in the Middle East.
Our commitment to freedom and peace in that region requires us to make every
effort to help resolve the conflict between Israel and Palestine. On Wednesday,
the Prime Minister of Israel presented his plan to withdraw from Gaza and some
parts of the West Bank. I support that plan. It's a good opportunity. It gives
the Palestinians a chance to create a reformed, just and free government.
Palestinian leadership must rise to the challenge. It gives all sides a chance
to reinvigorate progress on the road map. I'm committed to the vision of two
states, Israel and Palestine, living side-by-side, in peace and security.
As I said Wednesday, all final status issues must still be negotiated between
the parties. I look forward to the day when those discussions can begin, so the
Israeli occupation can be ended and a free and independent and peaceful
Palestinian state can emerge.
In Iraq and Afghanistan, in a future Palestinian state, and across the greater
Middle East, the best hope for lasting stability, security and peace is the
advance of human freedom. When men and women live in societies that reward their
hopes and recognize their dignity, they are far less likely to dwell on
resentments and turn to violence. This is not an easy task. For whole nations to
construct free institutions after decades of terror and tyranny requires
patience and courage and the help of friends.
Yet, this difficult work is also necessary work. In the Middle East, as
elsewhere, the path to peace is the path of liberty. And all who choose that
path will have the strong support of the United States and the United Kingdom.
In all these efforts, the American people know that we have no more valuable
friend than Prime Minister Tony Blair. As we like to say in Crawford, he's a
stand-up kind of guy. He shows backbone and courage and strong leadership. I
thank him and Cherie for coming. I thank the British people for their strength
and their unyielding commitment to the cause of liberty.
Mr. Prime Minister.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Thank you very much, Mr. President. George and Laura,
thank you very much for welcoming myself and Cherie back to the White House. The
many years that -- particularly most recently, since September the 11th -- our
two countries have been friends and allies standing side-by-side, and we will
continue to do so.
Let me restate the historic nature of what we're trying to achieve in Iraq. It
is to take a state that, under Saddam Hussein and his family, was a merciless
tyranny that brutalized the country over many decades, that used chemical
weapons against his own people, a state that threatened its neighbors in the
wider world, that caused two wars with over a million casualties, that funded
and supported terrorism; a country where, already, the remains of 300,000
innocent men, women and children have been found in mass graves in Iraq; a state
that under Saddam was without human rights, civil liberties, or the rule of law.
And our task is to take this state and turn it into a democracy, stable and
prosperous, a symbol of hope to its own people and throughout the whole of the
Against us in this task ranged every variety of reactionary forces: sympathizers
of Saddam Hussein, outside terrorists, religious fanatics. We know the future
that they have in mind for the people of Iraq, and we reject it utterly, as do
the overwhelming majority of the Iraqi people.
It was never going to be easy, and it isn't now. I pay wholehearted tribute to
the American and British troops and troops from all the different coalition
countries; and to the civilians, also, from many nations. We mourn each loss of
life, we salute them and their families for their bravery and their sacrifice.
And our promise to them, in turn, is very clear. It is to succeed, to get the
job done, to ensure their courage and their sacrifice has not been in vain. And
our plan to do this is clear, and we shall see it through.
Our strategy, political and military, is as follows. First, we stand firm; we
will do what it takes to win this struggle. We will not yield, we will not back
down in the face of attacks either on us or on defenseless civilians. Second, we
hold absolutely to the 30th of June timetable for the handover of sovereignty to
the Iraqis themselves. Third, we will redouble our efforts to build the
necessary capability of the Iraqis, themselves, to take increased responsibility
for security and law and order; the measures for recruiting, training and
equipping Iraqi police and civil defense corps will be intensified. Fourth, we
will carry forward the plan for reconstruction and investment in Iraq so that
all parts of Iraq -- Sunni, Shia and Kurdish -- know that they have a place and
a future in the new Iraq that is being created. Fifth, the U.N. will have a
central role, as now, in developing the program and machinery for political
transition to full Iraqi democracy. And we will seek a new U.N. Security Council
resolution to embody the political and security way forward.
It follows from this that the political and military strategies will reinforce
each other, as they do now. The purpose of the military action is to create the
security environment in which the political aims can be achieved. And of course
there will be resistance. We have resistance now by assorted terrorists in
Fallujah, by supporters of Muqtada al-Sadr in Najaf. We shall deal with both
with the right balance of firmness in the face of terror and a clear offer to
all people in Iraq, including those who might be tempted to support lawbreaking.
The new Iraq will give opportunities to all its citizens, whatever their ethnic
or religious background, but it will not tolerate or compromise with those who
want to wreck the future for the law-abiding majority in Iraq.
Alongside this strategy for Iraq, we will seek to broaden the agenda for
international action and cooperation. The G8 gives us the chance, under the
chairmanship of the United States this year and Britain the next, to construct
such an agenda; to allow us to defeat the security threat, but also to confront
the issues upon which the terrorists prey; to tackle the poverty, conflict,
religious and ethnic strife which mar so much of the world.
In this regard, we reaffirm again the importance of a solution for the Middle
East peace process. We welcome the Israeli proposal to disengage from the Gaza
and parts of the West Bank. We want the Quartet to meet as soon as possible to
discuss how it can support the Palestinian Authority in particular,
economically, politically, and in respect of security, to respond to that offer.
We reaffirm that this is part of a process to get us back into the road map,
which we continue to believe offers the only realistic route to the two states,
Israel and Palestinian, living side-by-side in peace.
We have, therefore, an agenda for Iraq, for change and for democracy in Iraq. We
have, also, an agenda to help overcome the problems in our world, the problems
not just of terrorism, but the problems in the breeding grounds of terrorism.
And I believe that our two countries will continue to play a role as allies and
friends in securing not just a decent future for the people of Iraq, but a
decent future of people everywhere in our world today.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Mr. Prime Minister, thank you, sir. We will take three questions
a side, and so why don't you ask one question to each of us.
You can start, Mr. Hunt.
Q: Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, did you ask Secretary Rumsfeld to
draw up war plans against Iraq in November 2001, just as the military action was
getting underway in Afghanistan? Why couldn't Iraq wait?
And Mr. Prime Minister --
PRESIDENT BUSH: No, I thought -- one question apiece. Not one question or one
You know, I can't remember exact dates that far back. I do know this, that at a
key meeting at Camp David, the subject of Iraq -- this was on September the
PRESIDENT BUSH: Fifteenth. We had been attacked on September the 11th,
obviously. On the 15th, we sat down, I sat down with my national security team
to discuss the response, and the subject of Iraq came up. And I said as plainly
as I possibly could, we'll focus on Afghanistan. That's where we'll focus. I
explained this to the Prime Minister, as well, in a subsequent meeting. That was
about the 20th of September, I think, we came and talked about the response we
were going to take in dealing with the attacks on our country.
So I don't remember in times of -- what was being developed or not being
developed. But I do know that it was Afghanistan that was on my mind. And I
didn't really start focusing on Iraq until later on, particularly about the time
I started going to the United Nations with this message. To the United Nations,
I said, let's uphold the demands of the world, finally, after decades of --
after a decade of threats to Saddam -- you know, if you don't do this, this will
happen -- why don't we finally just say something that we mean?
And it was at that point in time, when a President steps up in front of the
United Nations and you say, either take care of business or we, others will, you
better mean it. And I meant it when I went up in front of the United Nations at
that point in time.
Q: I was asking you about November.
PRESIDENT BUSH: I can't remember. I'd have to get back to you about a specific
moment. But I can tell you, in September, I said, let us focus on Afghanistan,
let us make sure that we do this job and do it well.
Q: Prime Minister, the -- Prime Minister, the handover of power is just, what,
80 days away, and yet the killing is going on, there is still kidnapping. Do you
accept it was an error not to involve the U.N. much more early in the process?
And I wonder, Mr. President, if I could ask you if that's a mistake that you're
prepared to accept, as well?
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: First of all, we have been involving the U.N. throughout.
And, actually, the work that Mr. Brahimi has done, we've both made it clear that
we welcome. And I can tell you from the conversations I had with Kofi Annan last
night that I think there's a common approach. Obviously, we have to discuss the
details in particular with the Iraqi groups, themselves, as to how this
political transition is to come about.
But let me just say one thing to you about the violence and the killing there.
There was always going to be resistance to transition to democracy. And, in
particular, as the date for transition to a sovereign Iraqi government that's
going to be broad based as that date draws near. There's going to be violence.
There's going to be violence from people who don't want an Iraqi future
different from the past. And I don't think we should be surprised at this. There
will be religious fanatics, outside terrorists, former Saddam people who will
come together and they will kill innocent civilians, they will try and kill
coalition troops, they will kill Iraqis -- they'll kill anyone who stands in
their way. And the reason that they're doing this is because they don't want a
Now, what is the response of ourselves, and, indeed, the whole of the world
community, regardless of whether you support the war in Iraq or not? The
response has got to be that we hold firm, we keep to the political transition,
we keep to the timetable, and we do everything we humanly can to build up the
capability of the Iraqis to take control of their own affairs. Because in Iraq
there will be all sorts of people -- that vast majority of people out there who
aren't terrorists, who don't want to kill people, who want to lead an ordinary
life, raise their family, have a job, have some prosperity, have some freedom --
as other people in the world do
-- and they will be sitting there, watching and waiting for one thing: do we
have the will and the determination to finish the job.
And what you're hearing from myself and the President of the United States is,
we will stay there and we will get the job done, because that's what we promised
to do. And we will continue until it's finished.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Steve.
Q: Hosni Mubarak is saying the new U.S. policy on the West Bank could escalate
violence. How do you respond to his concerns?
PRESIDENT BUSH: I think this is a fantastic opportunity -- the fact that Ariel
Sharon said, we're going to withdraw from territory, is an historic moment. And
it creates a chance for the world to come together to help develop a Palestinian
state based upon a solid foundation, a foundation where the institutions are
bigger than the people, just like our respective governments are founded.
It's a chance to provide a framework for international aid that will help a
Palestinian economy grow. It's a chance for people to come together to work on
measures that will enable people to live in peace -- security measures. This is
an historic moment, and I think people need to view it as such, and seize the
moment, and help a Palestinian state become a reality, a Palestinian state that
can live at peace with its neighbors.
And, you know, there's a lot of talk about the final status discussions. And
that's all and good. The problem is, is people, by doing so, don't pay attention
to the moment. It's a moment we've got to seize. The final status discussions
will become a lot plainer -- and by the way, we're not going to prejudge the
final status discussions. But the answers will become a lot plainer once there
is a peaceful state that's committed to fighting off terror and a state that's
capable of providing hope for its people.
I think it's possible. And the Prime Minister and I have spent a lot of time on
this subject. And I'm not going to put words in his mouth, but he thinks it's
possible. And we look forward to working together to make it possible. But it's
going to require a commitment by the Palestinian people to find leadership that
is committed to peace and hope. And it's going to require a commitment by people
in the neighborhood to support the emergence of a state.
This is an historic moment, and I appreciate the Prime Minister of Israel coming
here to announce it. And we intend to seize the moment and to take advantage of
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: I think what's happening here is that despite all the
reaction -- some of which I think it's expected and natural that always rebound
around the world when a statement like this is made -- let's just go back and
see what the opportunity is here. If there is disengagement by Israel from the
Gaza and from parts of the West Bank, that then gives us the opportunity -- and
this is where the international community has got to play its role -- that gives
us the opportunity to help the Palestinian Authority with the economic, the
political and the security measures they take, and they need to take, in order
to get to the point where the concept of a viable Palestinian state becomes a
real possibility -- not something that's put in a document and talked about, or
discussed in resolutions or speeches, but actually is a real, live possibility.
And I see this not in any shape or form as pushing the road map to the side. On
the contrary, I see it as a way back into the road map.
Now, I know there'll be all sorts of issues to do with the final status
negotiations. And as the President said, no one is prejudging those. But, you
know, let's not look this particular opportunity in the eye and then turn away.
It is an opportunity for people.
And what I want to say to, not just to the Palestinians and the Israelis, but to
the international community is, whatever the doubts and worries, get involved
now, because there is a possibility when that disengagement happens, the
Palestinian Authority have got to have the wherewithal in political, in
economic, in security terms to start running the land, the territory that will
be, then, under their control, and use that as the basis of getting back into a
proper road map negotiation.
Because we -- this is a -- we deal with many difficult issues -- Cyprus, we
discussed earlier, Northern Ireland, that I'm dealing with. The one advantage
that you have in this situation -- which is as well to keep in mind, even at
this difficult moment -- is that there is now an agreement that there should be
two states, an Israeli and a Palestinian state, and that Palestinian state
should be viable. And I can assure you, and I believe this very strongly from
the conversations I've had with the President, that if the Palestinians are
willing to make that effort and the international community helps in doing so,
then they will find all of us, then, ready to engage and ensure that the proper
discussion and settlement of these issues takes place. We will be ready to step
up and do that.
Yes, Mark, sorry.
Q: Mr. Sharon says this agreement by the President has ended the dreams of
Palestinians. Many Palestinians seem to agree with that, as well. Why do you two
not see it in that light? The Israelis see it as a victory for their side.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Well, I don't -- I haven't come across those particular
words, and I would like to see the context of that. But I don't think that this
ends anyone's dream. I think what it does is give us at least the possibility of
moving it forward.
What have people been asking for years? They've been asking for the Israelis to
withdraw from the occupied territories. Now, this is not the final end of it.
This is not -- this is not a unilateral attempt to impose a settlement. But it
does at least give the Palestinians, if they're able, then, to seize this
opportunity, the ability to construct in the Gaza and those parts of the West
Bank that will be under their control, with the settlements removed from there.
And, remember, I can't remember exactly how many people it is, it's maybe 7,000
people that there are in the Gaza part of -- and those settlements withdrawn.
Now, forgive me, but I've been dealing with this for almost a decade. And it's
been very, very difficult ever to get a situation where an Israeli Prime
Minister is prepared to say, we're actually going to take these settlements away
-- and make that not conditional on something that the Palestinians are doing,
but say, we're just going to do that.
Now, of course, there's a whole string of things that, then, have to be decided.
All these issues have to be negotiated. We have to get back into the road map
and get on a proper process towards a resolution of those issues.
But if that disengagement takes place, surely the intelligent thing, not just
for the Palestinians, but for the international community, is to be ready to
respond. And here's where the Quartet can play a part, the other part that's in
this process. The European Union, for example. We put money into reconstruction
in the Palestinian Authority. I believe that there is a real possibility if we
can get the right political system there, the European Union putting money in to
help reconstruct the country, to help build the proper security capability.
These are -- these are things, however difficult, that offer opportunities.
That's all I'm saying, and I think we should seize them.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Let me say one quick thing about this. I haven't seen the
context in which he said it, either. But I can tell you what he told me. He told
me he supported a Palestinian state. He thinks it's in Israel's interest that
there be a Palestinian state. Obviously there's a caveat. He wants a peaceful
Palestinian state. And he wants somebody who will promote peace, not violence,
somebody who's willing to join with a lot of us to fight off terror.
He also recognizes that it's important that there be hope in his neighborhood.
And a peaceful Palestinian state that gets help from the world is a state that
can help small businesses grow, help an education system develop, help a health
care system develop that provides basic services to its people. I think this is
a great opportunity. And you're going to have to ask him exactly what -- whether
that was in context or not.
But the impression I got, from having sat with the man right upstairs here in
the White House, was he views this as a hopeful moment, as well, and made it
clear that it's a part of the road map process, and knows what I know, that as
we gain confidence in a Palestinian leadership and a Palestinian state that's
committed itself to peace, further progress will be made -- further progress
will be made on territory. And, therefore, the final status discussions -- and I
repeat, which are not being prejudged by the American government, as stated
clearly on Wednesday -- will be easier to deal with. And that's what's
We'll seize the moment, is what the Prime Minister is saying.
Let's see, April.
Q: Mr. President, some of your critics are saying that it's a political ploy by
you to stand firm to this June 30th deadline, especially that you don't have an
Iraqi organization to transfer power over to. What do you say to that? And for
-- what organization would you like to see transferred power over to, both of
you, if you could answer that?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, I appreciate that. I guess, it's a political year,
everything I'm going to say is being -- they're going to say is political.
What's important is that we honor our word and honor our commitments to the
Iraqi people. I suspect that if you look deep into the soul of the Iraqi people,
they'd be saying, we don't know if we can trust America and Great Britain to be
tough and hang in, hang in with us. And one of the things we've said is, we'll
transfer sovereignty on June the 30th, and we're going to.
If they believe that we'll cut and run -- in other words, if times get tough,
and we'll just say, see you later -- nobody is going to take a stand for freedom
and liberty; they're afraid of getting killed or tortured or maimed. These are
-- I said the other night that a year seems like a long time for Americans and
people in Great Britain. But a year is not much when you're trying to shed
yourself from the habits of tyranny and torture. Remember where these people
came from. They came from a society where if they dared speak their mind, it's
likely they'd end up in a mass grave or in a torture room. If they criticized
Saddam Hussein in any way, they would be maimed or killed. And that's a hard
thing to forget.
See, it's easy for us to not recognize that fear because, fortunately, our
societies are such that we don't have to live with it. They did. And if they
think that we will be leaving because of politics, then they won't take a risk
toward freedom. We're not leaving because of politics, April. We're standing
firm on our word because it's right, and it's in the long-term interests of our
countries that we stand firm, because a free Iraq is an historic opportunity to
change the world for the better.
There's a lot of talk about the war on terror, and can we win the war on terror.
Of course we can win the war on terror in the long run. We can do a lot of
things in the short-term to protect ourselves, starting with staying on the
offensive. But in the long-term, it's the spread of freedom that will win the
war on terror.
See, the great thing about our two countries is we believe in the power of free
societies. And we don't say freedom is only -- is consigned to one group of
people or one religion. We believe freedom is universal. And free societies are
peaceful societies. And freedom will be the cure for those who harbor deep
resentment and hatred in their heart. And I appreciate the Prime Minister
understanding that vision, as well. It's a wonderful feeling to have a strong
ally in believing in the power of free societies and liberty. And that's why
we're going to stay the course in Iraq. And that's why when we say something in
Iraq, we're going to do it, because we want there to be a free society. It's in
our long-term interests. It's in the interests of our children and our
grandchildren that Iraq be free.
Q: Mr. Prime Minister --
Q: Who is going to --
PRESIDENT BUSH: Hold on for a second. That's going to be decided by Mr. Brahimi.
That's the recommendation of Brahimi. He's in the process -- you're watching a
process unfold. And you won't have to ask that question on July the 1st.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: That's absolutely right. And what will happen is there
will be discussions, obviously, that Mr. Brahimi is conducting. But the idea
will be to have a broad-based government, and then next year to move to a new
constitution, and then, finally, to democratic elections. And that's the -- so
who's going to end up governing Iraq ultimately? It's going to be the Iraqi
people with a proper democratic constitution.
PRESIDENT BUSH: One final point on this -- thank you, April, for bringing it up.
Transitional administrative law that had been written is a -- this is an
historic document. And it's a wonderful opportunity. It is for the people of
Iraq to say, here's how civilized people must live. Here's how you protect
minority rights. Here's how you protect the rights of religious people. And
here's how civilized people should live if they're going to provide hope for the
And there doesn't seem to be much focus on that, what we call the TAL these
days. And yet, it is a -- it is the cornerstone for what is going to be a free
and hopeful society.
Go ahead, final question.
Q: If I could just ask you about Iraq again. The fact of the matter is that
weapons of mass destruction have not been found, that a link between Saddam
Hussein and al Qaeda has not been proved; and that the year on, troop numbers
are going up, not coming down. So however determined you are to make a better
Iraq, isn't the awkward fact for both of you that you misled your peoples in
taking troops to war and shedding blood as a result?
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: First of all, I just remind you that when, in November of
2002, we passed the United Nations resolution calling upon Saddam to comply
fully with the United Nations inspectors, we did that on the basis of an
understanding that wasn't confined simply to Great Britain and America, but was
right across the hall of the Security Council, that Saddam Hussein was a threat
-- and, indeed, it would difficult to conclude otherwise given that his was a
regime that actually used chemical weapons, weapons of mass destruction against
their own people.
And yes, a year on, we have faced some difficult times. We'll face difficult
times again in the future. But one of the most interesting things to me is when
I go and I actually talk to other leaders out in that region -- and some of them
have got very difficult politics over this issue, as you all know, for very
obvious reasons -- but I'm struck by how much more secure they feel with Saddam
Hussein gone. And whatever their differences over the conflict, they know how
important it is to their region and their stability and, actually, their chance
of changing their own country, that Iraq does become a stable and democratic
And this is one of these situations where -- you know, people often say to me,
well is it -- is the world safer, given all the difficulty and violence that you
have in Iraq? And I say to them, well, first of all, don't think that violence
wasn't happening every day in Iraq under Saddam Hussein, it was. But, secondly,
when you take on and you deal with these issues, yes, of course, you face
difficult times. You're bound to have them. But the question is, is the aim and
objective you're trying to secure one that if you do secure will make the world,
indeed, safer and better. And that's why -- I find now, whatever the differences
people have over the wisdom of the conflict -- and that's a debate that will go
on, and go on for many, many years, no doubt; the historians can all pore over
it -- but everybody should recognize the common interest today in making sure
that Iraq achieves the aim that we have set out and that everybody of any sense
in the international community supports, because if --
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: No, because I believe the important thing is to make the
world more secure as a result of Saddam Hussein going, as a result of that
threat, then, from Saddam and his regime, the threat that they carried out in
their own region. I just listed for you two wars in which there were over a
million casualties; hundreds of thousands of his own people killed.
Now, this is an historic struggle, and we're at a very, very crucial moment. And
I think, for many, many people in Iraq, I think what the President said just a
moment ago is absolutely right. Of course they're going to be sitting there
asking, after all the decades of tyranny we've had, after all the promises that
the international community gave us, and frankly let us down on, are these
people going to stay the course?
And we are, and we want the international community to work with us in doing
that. We're not setting aside the United Nations or that process at all. We're
actually trying to work with the U.N. now, because everybody understands the
importance of fulfilling that objective. And you just imagine an Iraq, stable
and prosperous and democratic, and think of the signal that would send out.
Think of the instant rebuttal of all that poisonous propaganda about America,
about it all being an attack on Muslims or it being part of a war on
civilization -- Iraq, run by the Iraqis, the wealth of that country owned by the
Iraqis, and a symbol of hope and democracy in the Middle East.
Now, for me this is a cause that any person of good will and good heart should
be able to support.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Good job, Prime Minister. Thank you, sir.
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